Archive for

January 2010

Ending the filibuster: an idea whose time has come?

I think by now most people know what a filibuster is (for interesting background and history, see the Wikipedia article). And we probably all know that the election of Scott Brown means that the Democrats in the Senate, though they still have a majority, no longer possesses the supermajority (60) required to end a filibuster (cloture).

Article I, Section 5, Clause 1 of the United States Constitution provides that "... a Majority of each [House] shall constitute a Quorum to do Business ...." Clause 2 provides that "Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings ...."
The supermajority rule is a rule of the Senate. Another rule provides that the rules may only be changed by an even greater supermajority of 67. As things stand now, it is highly unlikely that the Senate could come up with 67 votes to change the filibuster rule.
But are the supermajority rules constitutional? A reading of the plain words of Clause 1 would suggest they are not. It does not seem the Founding Fathers intended a supermajority be required to pass laws. If they had, they would have said so.
In addition, the Supreme Court (yes, that Supreme Court many are reviling right now) has ruled on a similar point. Against a challenge to the validity of a law passed by 139 House members, of 212 present, United States v. Ballin (1892) 144 U.S. 1 held that "All that the constitution requires is the presence of a majority, and when that majority are present the power of the house arises." (Ballin, supra, at pp. 5-6.) A majority of the members present constituted a quorum, and a majority of that quorum could pass a law. (Ballin, supra at p. 6.) The Court also noted that even though the Constitution gave each house the power to make its own rules, it "may not by its rules ignore constitutional restraints ..." but within that limitation each house had an absolute and continuing power to make its own rules. (Ballin, supra, at p. 5.)
It seems a fair reading of Ballin and Clause 1 to say that a rule requiring a supermajority to permit a House to act is unconstitutional, and that such a rule may be changed at any time by a simple majority.
It is important to remember that filibuster is not some practice enshrined in the Constitution. It's been around in the Senate since 1806, so it is old. Until recently, it provided a means for Senators in the minority party to slow down the passage of a bill until it had been fully argued. However, since the 1960's it has grown to the point that it now threatens to completely stop the work of the Senate. Scott Brown announced (indeed, ran on the promise) that he would filibuster health care reform, cap-and-trade and the bank tax. Just for starters.
Filibuster has been used by both sides, most infamously by southern Democrats trying to stop the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. So both parties have an interest in keeping it around, since majorities change hands in the Senate regularly.
However, if a supermajority requirement is unconstitutional, that it may be useful is not an excuse for its existence. And a procedure such as filibuster, when it becomes a means of bringing the democratic process to a halt, is no longer even useful.
Senator Tom Harkin (D-Iowa) is planning to introduce a bill to eliminate filibuster. He's been trying to do this for years, but now a lot more people are seeing the handwriting on the wall. The conservative blog RedState is quite upset about it.
I'll be keeping an eye on the bill and the discussions, and may report back soon. 

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Blog: First thoughts on Citizens United v FEC

What Citizens United does:

It allows corporations or unions to use general funds (shareholder money or members' dues) to publish, using broadcast, cable or satellite media, "electioneering communications" (messages for or against a particular candidate) within 30 days before a presidential primary or 60 days before a general election.

What Citizens United does not do:

It does not forbid disclosure of the identities of the donors, unless they could show danger to themselves.

It does not affect prohibition on direct contributions to candidates (because the issue was not presented).

What the decision may do:

It may result in corporations or unions bombarding the public with ads just before an election.  It may, as some are suggesting, change the course of American democracy. 

Or not. First, no one really knows how the public will react to these ads, knowing their sources. It could seriously backfire, given the current mood of the people, to have them know that a particular candidate is the darling of a union or a big corporation. It could upset shareholders to find out their money is being used to support candidates whom they dislike. It could be dangerous for corporations to buck the party with the power to tax them or control them in other ways. We don't yet know.

My modest suggestion:

First, in the words of Douglas Adams: "Don't panic." 

I don't believe a constitutional amendment would be wise. First, the wording of the one I've seen probably conflicts with the First Amendment. Second, it would be an enormous undertaking (2/3 of House and Senate would have to pass it and 3/4 of state legislatures would have to ratify it) that would consume the energy of the proponents, energy needed elsewhere.

Instant disclosure, though, is very doable, as the Sunlight Foundation has proposed. (http://bit.ly/8SHmDS.) Congress could require corporations and unions sponsoring ads to instantly disclose their identities online. Congress could require the ad itself to state "sponsored by Giant Corporation or Big Union." Viewers of such ads would know immediately whose voice was speaking.

All for now.

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Blog: First thoughts on Citizens United v FEC

What Citizens United does:

It allows corporations or unions to use general funds (shareholder money or members' dues) to publish, using broadcast, cable or satellite media, "electioneering communications" (messages for or against a particular candidate) within 30 days before a presidential primary or 60 days before a general election.

What Citizens United does not do:

It does not forbid disclosure of the identities of the donors, unless they could show danger to themselves.

It does not affect prohibition on direct contributions to candidates (because the issue was not presented).

What the decision may do:

It may result in corporations or unions bombarding the public with ads just before an election.  It may, as some are suggesting, change the course of American democracy. 

Or not. First, no one really knows how the public will react to these ads, knowing their sources. It could seriously backfire, given the current mood of the people, to have them know that a particular candidate is the darling of a union or a big corporation. It could upset shareholders to find out their money is being used to support candidates whom they dislike. It could be dangerous for corporations to buck the party with the power to tax them or control them in other ways. We don't yet know.

My modest suggestion:

First, in the words of Douglas Adams: "Don't panic." 

I don't believe a constitutional amendment would be wise. First, the wording of the one I've seen probably conflicts with the First Amendment. Second, it would be an enormous undertaking (2/3 of House and Senate would have to pass it and 3/4 of state legislatures would have to ratify it) that would consume the energy of the proponents, energy needed elsewhere.

Instant disclosure, though, is very doable, as the Sunlight Foundation has proposed. (http://bit.ly/8SHmDS.) Congress could require corporations and unions sponsoring ads to instantly disclose their identities online. Congress could require the ad itself to state "sponsored by Giant Corporation or Big Union." Viewers of such ads would know immediately whose voice was speaking.

All for now.

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Case summaries - January 21, 2010

Death penalty - full affirmance
People v. Martinez (Ca. Sup. Ct., 1/14/10, S074624) ___ Cal.4th  ___
Court rejects arguments of: failure to conduct inquiry into juror bias; admissibility of confession; refusal to give instructions on consent as defense; prosecutorial misconduct; victim impact evidence; constitutionality of California death penalty law.

Free speech - sort of
Citizens United v. FEC (U.S. Sup. Ct., 1/21/10, 08-205) ___ U.S. ___
In bitter 5-4 decision, majority (Kennedy writing) rules corporations may not be stopped from using general treasury funds to make "electioneering communications" for or against candidates within 30 days of election. Disclosure rules upheld as applied. 

Habeas corpus - federal - Cone error by court of appeals
Wellons v. Hall (U.S. Sup. Ct., 1/19/10, 09-5731) ___ U.S. ___
Citing the "disturbing facts of this case" (jury may have given judge gift of chocolate shaped as genitals and bailiff chocolate breasts), per curiam decision remands case back to 11th Circuit to deal with matter on merits, citing to Cone v. Bell (2009) 556 U.S. ___ (when state court declines merits review on ground it has done so already, there is no bar to federal habeas review). Scalia, Thomas, Alito and Roberts dissent.

Habeas corpus - federal - 
Wood v. Allen (U.S. Sup. Ct., 1/20/10, 08-9156) ___ U.S. ___
Although term "unreasonable" application of federal constitutional law is difficult to define, state court factual determination is not automatically unreasonable because federal court would have reached different conclusion in first instance. Putting inexperienced counsel in charge of penalty phase does not speak to whether it was tactical decision but to whether judgment was reasonable, question not before the Court.

Public trial - exclusion of spectator from jury selection requires reversal
Presley v. Georgia (U.S. Sup. Ct., 1/19/10, 09-5270) ___ U.S. ___
Without making any finding that spectator (defendant's uncle) was doing anything wrong Georgia judge removed him from courtroom during jury selection solely because he would be sitting among prospective jurors. In per curiam opinion, Court reverses Georgia Supreme Court's affirmance of conviction. Thomas and Scalia dissent.

Sentencing - Penal Code section 654
People v. Alford (3rd Dist., 1/13/10, C060251) ___ Cal.App.4th  ___
When trial court determines that Penal Code section 654 (barring multiple punishment when one act violates more than one law) applies to a particular count, trial court must impose sentence on that count and then stay execution of that sentence. No authority for court to fail to impose sentence on all counts. Disapproves Cal. Rule of Court 4.424.

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My first post

Okay, this is my second post.

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My first post

Experimenting with posting via posterous. I have no idea how this works.

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